Le régionalisme au service du développement 
Auteur : Supachai Panitchpakdi
Date : November 7th, 2007
Commentaires : 7
Depuis des années, les universitaires débattent de la question de savoir si les accords commerciaux régionaux sont un atout ou, au contraire, un obstacle pour le développement et la liberté du commerce. Récemment, le régionalisme a bénéficié d’un regain d’attention, la lenteur des progrès enregistrés par le Cycle de négociations de Doha conduisant beaucoup de pays à se recentrer sur leurs priorités régionales. De plus, les nombreuses crises monétaires et bancaires auxquelles on a assisté ces dernières décennies sur les marchés émergents, en alimentant la méfiance à l’égard des institutions financières multilatérales et en semant le doute quant à leur aptitude à les prévenir et à les gérer, ont suscité un intérêt croissant pour la coopération financière et monétaire au niveau régional.
De récents travaux menés par le secrétariat de la CNUCED sur les avantages et les inconvénients des accords régionaux pour les pays en développement ont abouti à un certain nombre de constatations intéressantes qui pourraient enrichir le débat.
Dans une étude approfondie des accords commerciaux régionaux et de leurs incidences pour les pays en développement, la CNUCED a constaté que les accords régionaux Nord‑Sud, c’est‑à‑dire les accords de libre‑échange bilatéraux entre pays développés et pays en développement, et les accords régionaux conclus entre pays en développement, autrement dit les accords Sud‑Sud, tendaient à présenter des différences importantes. Il est notamment ressorti de notre étude que les pays en développement auraient intérêt à renforcer leur coopération régionale avec d’autres pays en développement et à user de prudence vis‑à‑vis des accords bilatéraux Nord‑Sud.
À cela une raison bien simple: la plupart de ces accords Nord‑Sud sont dépourvus de toute dimension développement, et ce, pour trois motifs au moins:
1. Souvent les accords de libre‑échange bilatéraux transforment les préférences commerciales non réciproques qui existaient entre pays développés et pays en développement en règles symétriques d’accès aux marchés; la pierre angulaire du système commercial international de l’après‑guerre qu’est le traitement spécial et différencié des pays en développement est donc en voie d’être éliminée.
2. De plus en plus, on incorpore dans les accords de libre‑échange Nord‑Sud des normes qui vont au‑delà de ce que prévoit l’OMC et les questions de Singapour, c’est‑à‑dire des normes relatives au travail et à l’environnement et des dispositions concernant les marchés publics, l’investissement et la politique de la concurrence, alors que le secteur dans lequel les pays en développement sont très compétitifs − l’agriculture − est passé sous silence. De plus, ces accords ne contiennent généralement aucune disposition quelle qu’elle soit concernant la coopération monétaire même si la compétitivité des pays en développement est extrêmement vulnérable aux chocs extérieurs. Ainsi, ces pays sont souvent contraints d’accepter de prendre des engagements exigeants sur des sujets de politique intérieure classiques sans recevoir en échange de compensations adéquates leur garantissant l’accès aux marchés et des succès commerciaux.
3. La participation simultanée à plusieurs accords de libre‑échange dotés de règles et de calendriers de mise en œuvre différents rend de plus en plus difficile la coordination des politiques dans les pays en développement, en particulier lorsqu’il s’agit de concilier objectifs nationaux de développement, engagements régionaux et règlements multilatéraux.
Mais, dans son étude, la CNUCED a constaté aussi que les accords Sud‑Sud offrent aux pays en développement de nombreux avantages qui, pour l’instant, n’existent ni au niveau multilatéral ni dans le cadre des accords Nord‑Sud.
L’une des principales raisons qui incite un pays en développement à conclure un accord avec des partenaires qui, dans le même secteur, ont un niveau de développement comparable est l’accès aux marchés. De toute évidence, les avantages de l’accès aux marchés, tels que les économies d’échelle et la diversification de la production, sont des arguments valables pour toute intégration commerciale, qu’elle concerne les pays développés ou les pays en développement. Néanmoins, pour beaucoup de pays en développement dont le secteur industriel est encore naissant, une orientation régionale en direction de pays dotés de structures économiques et de capacités techniques similaires peut apparaître comme une solution plus viable. Dans un premier temps, il sera sans doute moins difficile de faire face à la concurrence étrangère au sein de la région et le fossé technologique avec les concurrents de pays plus avancés extérieurs à la région sera peut‑être plus facile à combler; de plus, la probabilité de lutter à armes égales est plus grande. En d’autres termes, les normes de compétitivité sur les marchés régionaux sont généralement moins exclusives que celles imposées par la concurrence avec des fournisseurs de pays industriels avancés si bien que, même au stade de l’industrie naissante, la production peut se développer. La coopération Sud‑Sud peut aussi se révéler utile quand il s’agit d’attirer les investissements étrangers directs (IED) et d’éviter le nivellement par le bas.
Cette constatation est aussi étayée par des faits qui montrent une augmentation de la part relative des produits manufacturés et des produits réclamant une spécialisation moyenne et élevée dans le commerce intrarégional, ce qui donne à penser que la coopération régionale entre pays en développement peut être un très bon moyen d’accélérer l’industrialisation.
En outre, la coopération régionale dans le secteur monétaire et financier peut fournir de bons outils pour stabiliser les taux de change intrarégionaux, et réduire ainsi le risque qu’ils deviennent une source d’instabilité ou une courroie de transmission des chocs mondiaux. De la même manière, la coopération à de grands projets d’investissement peut corriger les faiblesses habituelles des infrastructures publiques comme l’approvisionnement en énergie et en eau.
Je pense que ces constatations apportent quelques perspectives nouvelles et intéressantes au débat sur le régionalisme.
Le rapport complet sur la coopération régionale au service du développement peut être consulté ici.
Dick Kamuganga
Date : January 27th, 2008 10:45:03
Developing Countries are in a “catch 22” call it a chicken and egg situation if you will! Whether to cooperate amongst themselves (south-south cooperation) or with the north (North-South cooperation) is not a choice they will make. There are basic facts here; i) regionalism seems to be a permanent phenomenon, ii) regionalism whether North-South or South-South confers different advantages as well different challenges in the increasingly globalized world today, iii) whether regional cooperation based on regional preferential trade agreements which forms part of the general debate on the relationship between trade liberalisation-economic growth-poverty reduction, delivers more regional development will continue to be contested for sometime, iv) whether developing countries want it or not, the trade policy space/leverage conferred by Special And Differential Treatment under multilateral trading system is rapidly waning under FTAs i.e. developing countries will continue to lose preferential margins under special and differential treatment as trade is continuously getting liberalised world wide (via MFN liberalisation, unilateral liberalisation-as is largely the case amongst the ASEAN group, or through numerous FTAs between North-North or South-North Or South-South FTAs), so southern countries pursuing special and differential objectives within any trading arrangement may not necessarily be a panacea for them and for long.
UNCTAD`s Trade and Development 2007 (Regional Cooperation For Development) presents very fascinating scenarios as summarized above by Dr. Supachai Panitchpakdi’s contribution on this blog. First, the overriding recommendation of the report that “developing countries should strengthen regional cooperation with other developing countries, but proceed carefully with regard to North-South bilateral or regional preferential trade agreements” can have far reaching implications as far as continuous marginalisation of these countries in the global trading system is concerned! While it’s obvious that developing countries need to strengthen cooperation amongst themselves, they need to be more pragmatic and proactive rather than being retrogressive when it comes to their northern neighbours. Caution and suspicion will not help them prepare to rip the enormous benefits that come with the unstoppable globalisation forces. This implies that;
(i) Developing countries need to prepare for a parallel approach toward “external” and “internal” integration processes not sequencing them, as the pace of global integration forces will not present them with that luxury of sequencing development strategies,
(ii) The global community including the northern rich countries should have a moral responsibility to make efforts toward reducing global poverty, this implies in the bilateral or regional FTAs they sign with their southern counterparts, should ensure that preconditions identified by the report i.e. a certain level of local production capacity, skill and technological sophistication, an array of supporting market institutions and good infrastructure are established in the process of integrating these poor countries,
(iii) It’s upon the developing countries to front their development objectives as part of their negotiations agenda package. Otherwise if their development objectives are not fulfilled they would not sign up to the bilateral FTAs. Northern countries have been able to bring on trade negotiations agenda many “trade related” (to some people-trade unrelated) agendas, why not developing countries adopting similar strategy and make developing a capacity to trade a trade related and front it on both multilateral, regional and bilateral cooperation initiatives?
(iv) However, I consider that it will be more difficult for developing countries to technologically catch up under overemphasised South-South cooperation, because it will largely be between technological adopters and not innovators. And its innovators and not adopters that extend the frontiers of technology and hence development forward. Take for instance Sub Saharan Africa, its difficult to envisage the technological spillovers that will emerge from cooperation between Rwanda, Uganda and Ethiopia when all of them deal in exporting one single primary commodity-coffee as opposed to cooperation between Ethiopian coffee firm managers dealing with Starbucks executives when exporting their coffee beans (here am referring to management skills being part of technological learning and not disadvantaged export of coffee beans anyway!!). The point here, is that emphasising technological learning/spillovers from South-South cooperation may delay the technological catch up process, by not only prolonging the lag of adoption and learning but also these countries missing out on making a strong case for achieving technological learning and innovation through international linkages of international trade (largely through the import of capital goods), FDI (through ensuring joint ventures) and licensing (UNCTAD, 2007).
In summary I would argue that rather than overemphasising South-South Cooperation as a the most viable option for fast integrating the poor countries into the global economy, emphasis should be placed on how the two processes of “internal and external integration” can be parallelly achieved, how southern countries can pragmatically and proactively engage their Northern neighbours to deliver conducive environment for technological learning, innovation and catch up opportunities, through the established international linkages of international trade, FDI and licensing and development aid.
International community (including international organisations) need to respond to the immediate needs of developing countries in building national and regional trading capacities, national and regional institutions (that are essential to reducing entry costs of forming regional trading and development cooperation blocks). .
It’s up to the South governments now to identify the key strategic areas that will help them integrate with the rest of the world-“it takes two to tango”. Its easy and conventional wisdom to keep blaming the north for all marginalisation of the south. But after 60 years of efforts toward global integration, what has the south learned?
Overemphasising south-south cooperation at the expense of strategically engaging the north may further marginalise the south on trade, technology and innovation frontiers as well as financial and capital integration with the rest of the world. Otherwise there is a need to unpackage the “policy space agenda”, what new lessons will be used when this policy space is achieved that has not been able to work in the last more than half a century ago?
Che Thuy Nhu
Date : November 5th, 2007 11:59:10
Now in Vietnam the flood after flood in the Central region and in North mountain’s areas. The life of grassroots is very hard. The reason may be the destruction of forests in Vietnam, Lao, Campuchia ,Thailand and South China for long time ?
I think the collaboration in Forest’s protection between countries in Region is neccesary .
Thank you for your attention .
Alagi B. Gaye
Date : October 24th, 2007 06:26:58
The article is indeed concise and factual. James Teered raised interesting questions, which I have thought about in the past. Looking at the genesis of trading arrangments between the South and the North would shed some light on some of the factors responsible for the status quo, where an insignificant proportion of the South’s international trade is amongst countries in the South compared to North-South trade.
Most of the countries in the South, particularly in Africa were colonies of countries, which constitute countries in the North. We are therefore still left with colonial legacies, whereby the economies of colonised countries have been deliberately designed to be appendages or peripheries of the colonisers. Thus colonised economies were structured in terms of infrastructure and superstructure for the production of raw materials to serve the colonial governments. An example in the service industry is telecommunications, where calls from an African country destined to another African country are routed through countries in the North. In Air transport, sometimes travelling from one African country to another one can take over 24 hours because of the lack of direct routes within African countries. Having said that, some countries, particularly in Asia that have been colonised have overcome some of these legacies by adopting practical and relevant development programmes supported by the right political will.
I strongly believe that regional bodies hold great potential to practically and gradually integrate our economies and lead to more South-South trade. However, for that to happen, countries in the South, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, which is the only region in the World that has not prospered over the last 25 years, have to do a thorough self-assessment of their performance with a view to changing course in terms of our trading arrangements. There has to be the political will to ensure that regional bodies have the required resources and mandates to ensure more South-South trade, which research by UNCTAD have shown to hold great potential.
folounshor
Date : October 24th, 2007 06:13:32
Regionalization is a concept designed to distract the increasingly impatient african masses from their ultimate goal, i.e. African union. These are a few of the flaws of regionalization:
-It will not resolve trans-African access via road or rail as each region will attempt to develop in isolation,
-regionalization is simply an expansion of the status quo 53 enclaves that Africa is today,
-these regional entities could be played against each other just as it is done today by supreme extra-African powers.
I could go on, but this is just a taste of what I am putting together in a book form these days.
Regionalization is just another delaying tactic, just like the good old OAU was to the generation of my grandfather and father.
Olumide Abimbola
Date : October 23rd, 2007 10:09:02
I just read an overview of the UNCTAD report, and I really appreciate the recommendations of the report.
My reaction to the report is inspired by my relative familiarity with regionalization in West Africa. New regionalist scholars have praised different regionalising forces - NGOs, informal transboder traders and other organisations that extend beyond the borders of particular countries - as true integrating forces, but studies close to the ground have shown that they have not been much of that. Informal transborder traders in the region, for instance, play on the differences in the fiscal and monetary policies of the countries to make gains. And even the amount of trade in goods that originates in the region is meager when compared with the volume of non-west African goods which the informal transborder traders trade. It all sounds very impressive in a report, but the actual practice in the regions is way different from what one would expect.
Prof.vidya
Date : October 22nd, 2007 07:49:30
The archaic concepts of territoriality and sovereignity have acquired a new meaning in this era of free trade. Using the principle of comparative advantage, every state is learning the intricate methods of strategic management to gain benefit through regional and international cooperation. Regional agreements form an important component of an effective political strategy to accelerate the economic growth of every state.
James Teered
Date : October 22nd, 2007 03:39:13
Very interesting material. I am sure we would all like to hear Pascal Lamy comment on your piece. As for me, I simply wonder why South-South FTAs are so few if they really are to bring so many benefits. Are there any entry costs that prevent them from emerging ? Or is there any internal political economy reason for that ?