Doha y la OMC tras el fracaso de julio 
Autor : Supachai Panitchpakdi
Date : September 25th, 2008
El hecho de que en la reciente Reunión Ministerial de la OMC no se lograra el objetivo de acordar modalidades para las negociaciones agrícolas y sobre el AMNA es un revés para la Ronda de Doha. La ruptura de las negociaciones de julio, el último de una serie de intentos fallidos, ha generado temores por la suerte de toda la Ronda. En un reciente editorial del Financial Times incluso se acuñó la desafortunada pero ingeniosa frase “muerto como Doha ¿Significa realmente el fin de la Ronda este último fracaso? No me parece. La Ronda de Doha, y la amplia gama de cuestiones que abarca son demasiado importantes como para ser dejadas de lado. La Ronda sigue siendo el mejor medio para encontrar un nuevo equilibrio en el sistema multilateral de comercio y corregir las prolongadas distorsiones, como las subvenciones agrícolas de los países desarrollados. La finalización de la Ronda es fundamental para proporcionar a las exportaciones de los países en desarrollo un acceso a los mercados mayor y seguro, y para crear las condiciones necesarias para promover el desarrollo, reducir la pobreza y lograr los ODM. Por consiguiente, deberíamos esperar que los miembros de la OMC vuelvan pronto a la mesa de negociaciones. De hecho, la Conferencia Ministerial ha logrado una importante convergencia en muchas cuestiones, lo que no es despreciable, y contribuirá a acelerar el desarrollo de las negociaciones futuras. Sin embargo, desde una perspectiva realista, este último revés significa inevitablemente un retraso en la conclusión de la Ronda, y ofrece un tiempo muy necesario para la reflexión. En cualquier caso, aunque hubiera habido un acuerdo únicamente sobre las modalidades, esto no habría supuesto la conclusión de la Ronda.
Entonces ¿cuáles deberían ser nuestras prioridades?
Si bien debemos confiar en el éxito de los actuales esfuerzos para reiniciar las negociaciones, si esto no sucede, aún puede ser posible intentar lograr algunos de los resultados en materia de desarrollo sobre los que se llegó a cierto grado de consenso en julio. Entre estos figuran por ejemplo, el acceso a los mercados libre de derechos y de contingentes para los PMA, la dimensión de desarrollo de la cuestión del algodón, la Iniciativa de Ayuda para el Comercio, el Marco Integrado mejorado y el apoyo al fomento de la capacidad productiva de los países en desarrollo. Los avances en estos ámbitos también contribuirían a establecer la confianza necesaria para concluir las negociaciones lo antes posible. No obstante, esos resultados iniciales no pueden ser un sustituto de la cabal conclusión de la Ronda de Doha con un importante componente de desarrollo. En segundo lugar, el fracaso también podría tener consecuencias negativas para el sistema multilateral de comercio y la OMC en general. Después de todo, la OMC se creó como un foro de negociación permanente. Un prolongado estancamiento de las negociaciones de la Ronda de Doha podría desviar la atención hacia otras negociaciones a nivel regional o bilateral. Por supuesto, la OMC seguirá siendo el principal pilar del sistema multilateral de comercio se concluya o no la Ronda. En la actualidad, la OMC supervisa y administra un importante cuerpo de normas comerciales. También presta servicios al mecanismo de solución de diferencias, cuyo trabajo forzosamente aumentará con la ralentización de las negociaciones. Por lo tanto, no cabe cuestionar la relevancia y trascendencia global de la OMC. El fracaso de julio también da la oportunidad de debatir si el actual funcionamiento de la OMC ofrece el mejor modo posible de llevar a cabo las negociaciones tras Doha. Se ha sostenido que los problemas de la Ronda de Doha resultan esencialmente de la creciente dificultad de llegar a un consenso frente al incesante aumento del número de cuestiones y participantes. En ese contexto, la forma de las negociaciones, que abarcan múltiples cuestiones que desembocan en un “todo único”, puede no ser la óptima en el futuro. Algunas modificaciones institucionales u operativas pueden hacer que el proceso sea más propicio al logro de resultados, por ejemplo, una mayor disposición a adoptar una “geometría variable” y perspectivas plurilaterales, y una mayor flexibilidad de los procesos de adopción de decisiones de la OMC. Resulta interesante que estas sugerencias se contaran entre las propuestas de un informe del Consejo Consultivo presidido por Peter Sutherland, que encargué cuando ocupaba el cargo de Director General de la OMC. Quizás sea conveniente volver a examinar las propuestas del informe -titulado “El futuro de la OMC: una respuesta a los desafíos institucionales del último milenio”- a la luz de los recientes acontecimientos.Por último, pienso que no debemos olvidar que la Ronda de Doha fue explícitamente denominada “Ronda para el Desarrollo”. Si la atención se desviara ahora a otros foros de negociaciones a nivel regional y bilateral, habría que tener presente que la dimensión de desarrollo debe seguir estando en el primer plano del programa. Los acuerdos regionales y bilaterales también deberían incluir un amplio componente de desarrollo.





Date : September 23rd, 2008 06:33:33
Dr. Supachai Panitchpakdi makes a number of important points in his 3 September posting on the Doha Agenda. He acknowledges important flaws in the system, including the decision-making process and the insistence on single undertakings (all deals together or no deal at all); he rightly emphasizes development (though good luck to him in persuading the actual negotiators from the dominant WTO members of this); and, he suggests some important issues that could move forward without a bigger deal being struck - issues that are often termed “confidence building measures” by the trade crowd, most of whom recognize that developing countries are profoundly mistrustful of the WTO system, even while they recognize the importance of a multilateral system to check some of the excesses of the largest trading economies.
There are nonetheless important caveats in our response to his posting. First, the Doha Agenda has not the importance he claims. For instance, in agriculture, it is higher commodity prices that are solving high levels of domestic support in the EU and U.S. for their producers. Should world commodity prices fall as dramatically as they have risen, the sums of money spent on support will climb again - neither the U.S. nor the EU has the political support they need to cut allowable spending levels. It is not on the table. Reform of agriculture is urgently needed, but the Doha Agenda does not offer the right framework for reform.
As for the important goals Dr. Supachai cites - to “promote development, poverty reduction and achievement of the MDGs”, the contribution of the Doha Agreements, should they be signed at last, would again be minimal. The proposed new rules could well stimulate growth in some sectors of some of the member states. The agenda could also curb a few (far from all) of the contradictions and double standards evident in rich countries’ trade policies. But as countless economists have said, growth and poverty reduction are not necessarily related, and the relationship can go both ways: increased trade flows can exacerbate, as well as reduce, poverty. The same is true for the realization of the MDGs, which include such objectives as improving female literacy and halving world hunger. The kind of trade and investment rules supported under the Uruguay Round Agreements, which have now been in place for over 13 years, allow trade to trump other, more important, policy objectives, such as domestic capital formation and higher levels of employment. A theoretical positive relationship between increased trade and reduced poverty has proven time and again to result in negative empirical experiences. Progress in eliminating the scourges of poverty, including hunger, illiteracy and poor health, has been slow and, in the past year, has gone backwards. Multilateral trade rules are not the place to start solving these problems.
It is understandable that a former Director General of the WTO would want the Doha Round to succeed. It is less clear, however, why the current Secretary General of UNCTAD should insist on a relationship between growth, poverty and trade liberalization that has been soundly and repeatedly debunked, including by the economists who work in his institution. Those that believe in freer trade should go ahead and push for freer trade. But they should stop doing it in the name of the poor.
godius
Date : September 16th, 2008 11:53:47
I totally agree, great post!
Grz Godius
CHE THUY NHU
Date : September 15th, 2008 12:16:16
To all participants in the forum
Is very nice that Doha Round is ” Development Round “.It as the rules will be continues.
About Ministerial conference In July, Mr Lamy said : “We have never been so close to an agreement “.
In this speech we again understand about functions : “The WTO will, of course, remain the central pillar of the multilateral trading system, whether or not the Round is completed. It already oversees and administers a critical mass of trade rules. It also services the Dispute Settlement Mechanism, whose workload is only set to increase when the negotiations slow down. So there is no question about the overall relevance and importance of the WTO.”
Mass media in our country ensure that WTO rules stimulate the competion in the life -This is the land for talent people working . It lead to more happy life .
We are on the way to chance institutial functions - and apply the WTO rules in to the social structure to stimule competion .Many chalanges, but we do hope the peace and happy will came to our society .
Mrs. Anindita Dey
Date : September 15th, 2008 07:39:26
I agree with Supachai Panitchpakdi and have already put forth my view on identical line before (refer my posting of August 1, 2008: http://www.ideas4development.org/what-consequences-in-case-of-a-failure-of-the-doha-round/en/). Added to what I have already posted earlier, here I would like to go forward and try to set some roles of WTO and participants of Doha negotiation that I believe will help in carry forward of this all important deal. I think the role of WTO should be to develop a level playing ground for all actors. Also, WTO should take steps to alienate fears with reference to livelihood vis-à-vis commerce that was raised in recently concluded negotiation table—possibly have a bearing on more than about a billon world populace who live with less than a dollar a day. It will be prudent if the same is addressed in agenda note itself and suggestions are invited from participants beforehand. The participating nations, on the other hand, need to understand the difference in ball game in multilateral mode than when played bilaterally. They have to remember that the team spirit in a give-and-take approach needs to be maintained and there is no scope of selfish game.
Phillip Huggan
Date : September 15th, 2008 03:56:47
http://www.dailygalaxy.com/my_weblog/2008/05/ocean-thermosta.html
Regarding the upcoming future of agriculture UN meeting: it might make sense to have “climate resistant” infrastructures and administration in place by 2020. Computer models will advance, if this one is correct rainfalls/temps will get variable during the 2020s.
Be best to have mineral-defienct/pH/drought/frost/flood/hail/heat resistant GMOs by then. Also drip-irrigation distributed and any underground artificial aquifer innovations. There should be a surge administrative capacity among agriculture institutions to address a simultaneous demand for soil best practises and formerly foreign seed varieties, ie) tropical regions may need to plant arid crops. Be nice to have more greenhouse capacity. Best practises sharing, maybe using novel communications?
Paul Waqa
Date : September 14th, 2008 11:14:32
The multilateral talks should not think that Doha will be and is the magic bullet to global trade.
In my opinion the WTO has the best arrangement for any global framework that is truely democratic and fair. The suspence of DOHA shows the very nature of true democratic which is not by the numbers of the majority, but by the concensus between the mighty and the weak/poor.
I would not want to call it a failure, but a suspence, as it warrant both sides to consider the human factor in the element of trade and not concentrate merely on the capital gains and losses to reach a truely Development oriented Agreement.
I salute negotiators for being vigalent, and for understanding the rural impact. Off-cause, each member will safeguard its industry interest, but with good understanding without hidden agenda and nepotism to giant coporate structures agreement as such level is eminent.